In the fourth week of Political Studies, fellows will take up one of the most powerful ideas in the American tradition—the promise of equality at the heart of the Declaration of Independence.

The first section, led by political scientist Diana Schaub, explores Abraham Lincoln’s statesmanship in light of his literary and moral vision. Through close readings of his speeches, letters, and proclamations, fellows will trace Lincoln’s political career and reflect on the nature of democratic debate—how passion and reason together can shape public life. Special attention will be given to Lincoln’s engagement with the Founding and his effort to preserve its principles amid the moral crisis of slavery.

The second section, led by constitutional historian Akhil Reed Amar and legal scholar Adam J. White, turns to the dramatic constitutional transformations that followed. Over eight decades, four amendments abolished slavery, established birthright citizenship, and extended suffrage regardless of race or gender. Together, these debates and reforms illuminate the long struggle to realize America’s founding promise of equality.

Image: An Incident in Contemporary American Life, Mural by Mitchell Jamieson, 1940-1943

Prof. Amar on We the People

Faculty

Akhil Reed Amar

Akhil Reed Amar is Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science at Yale University, where he teaches constitutional law in both Yale College and Yale Law School. He is Yale’s only currently active professor to have won the University’s unofficial triple crown — the Sterling Chair for scholarship, the DeVane Medal for teaching, and the Lamar Award for alumni service. He hosts a weekly podcast, Amarica’s Constitution.

Adam J. White

Adam J. White is the Laurence H. Silberman Chair in Constitutional Governance and senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he focuses on the Supreme Court and the administrative state. Concurrently, he codirects the Antonin Scalia Law School’s C. Boyden Gray Center for the Study of the Administrative State.

Diana Schaub

Diana Schaub is a nonresident senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where her work is focused on American political thought and history, particularly Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, African American political thought, Montesquieu, and the relevance of core American ideals to contemporary challenges and debates. Concurrently, she is Professor Emerita of Political Science at Loyola University Maryland, where she taught for almost three decades.

Preview the Syllabus by Week/Session

Readings:

  • To the People of Sangamo County, March 9, 1832, I, pp. 1–5
  • Address to the Young Men’s Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois, January 27, 1838, Vol. I, pp. 28–36
  • Fragment on the Struggle Against Slavery, I, pp. 437–438
  • Selection from William Lloyd Garrison
  • Protest in the Illinois Legislature on Slavery, March 3, 1837, I, p. 18

Discussion Questions:

  1. What is your impression of the 23-year-old Lincoln? What is the nature of his “peculiar ambition”?
  2. Why is education “the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in”? What is his attitude toward change in laws? Is he a conservative or a progressive?
  3. According to Lincoln, who has the harder task—the revolutionary generation or the current generation?
  4. What are the direct and indirect consequences of mob rule, and how are they related to “the perpetuation of our political institutions”? Does Lincoln’s solution—a political religion of reverence for the laws—allow for the possibility of civil disobedience, or is disobedience always uncivil?
  5. What is the link between mob law and the threat posed by those who belong to “the family of the lion, or the tribe of the eagle”? According to Lincoln, what is needed to recognize and repel the aspiring tyrant?
  6. In the first half of the Lyceum Address, Lincoln recommends a political religion of reverence for the Constitution and laws as the solution to the danger of mob rule; in the conclusion of the address, he recommends sober reason as the only resource for our future. Are these two recommendations (of reverence and reason) compatible with one another?

Readings:

  • Address to the Washington Temperance Society of Springfield, Illinois, February 22, 1842, Vol. I, pp. 81–90
  • Fragment on Slavery, 1854, I, p. 303
  • Speech on the Kansas-Nebraska Act at Peoria, Illinois, October 16, 1854, I, pp. 307–348

Discussion Questions:

  1. What sort of reformers does Lincoln praise and what sort does he criticize? What does this speech to the Temperance Society reveal about Lincoln’s understanding of human nature and rhetoric?
  2. If you were to apply what Lincoln says about the temperance movement to the abolition movement, what lessons would you draw? Does Lincoln’s “Protest” exemplify a different anti-slavery strategy?
  3. What is Lincoln’s view of slavery? Is he a bigot? In thinking about these questions, pay close attention to two passages (p. 316 and p. 346) in which Lincoln speaks of the role played by universal feelings in political life.

Readings:

  • Speech on the Kansas-Nebraska Act at Peoria, Illinois, October 16, 1854, I, pp. 307–348
  • Letter to Joshua F. Speed, August 24, 1855, Vol. I, 360–363

Discussion Questions:

  1. What does the Peoria Address reveal about the relation between public opinion and statesmanship?
  2. What are the “lullaby” arguments offered in behalf of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and how does Lincoln dispense with them?
  3. What about “the one great argument” (Stephen Douglas’s doctrine of popular sovereignty)? What are the elements of Lincoln’s critique of Douglas?

Readings:

  • Speech on the Dred Scott Decision at Springfield, Illinois, June 26, 1857, Vol. I, pp. 390–403
  • “House Divided” Speech at Springfield, Illinois, June 16, 1858, Vol. I, pp. 426–434
  • Address at Cooper Institute, New York City, February 27, 1860, Vol. II, pp. 111–130

Discussion Questions:

  1. Given what Lincoln said about reverence for the Constitution and the law, is he contradicting his own principles in criticizing the Dred Scott decision? What is his view of judicial precedent?
  2. What is Lincoln’s interpretation of the Declaration of Independence? How does it differ from the Taney/Douglas reading of the document?
  3. Why is there so much talk of racial amalgamation in this speech? How does Lincoln fend off the accusation that his view of equality will lead to “social equality” (i.e., race mixing and intermarriage)?
  4. In the Cooper Institute Address, how does Lincoln establish that the Framers agreed with the Republican rather than the Democratic view of the powers of the federal government respecting slavery in the territories?
  5. What is Lincoln’s message to the Southerners? Are the Republicans a sectional party? Are they conservative, as Lincoln claims?
  6. What is Lincoln’s message to the Republicans?

Readings:

  • Farewell Address at Springfield, Illinois, February 11, 1861, Vol. II, p. 199
  • First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861, Vol. II, pp. 215–224
  • Address at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November 19, 1863, Vol. II, p. 536
  • Letter to James C. Conkling, August 26, 1863, Vol. II, pp. 495–497
  • Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865, Vol. II, pp. 686–687

Discussion Questions:

  1. What is meant by the “new birth of freedom”? Does it refer to the emancipated slaves? If so, what is Lincoln’s vision of their place within the polity?
  2. How does the new birth of freedom relate to the argument of the Lyceum Address about the requirements for the perpetuation of our republic? (You might think too about the ballots and bullets passage of the July 4, 1861 Special Message to Congress.)
  3. What interpretation of the Civil War does Lincoln present and why?
  4. What is Lincoln’s theology? What is the role of charity in political life?

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